INTRODUCTION
A cemetery just below the town of Foksul in the Balkans was discovered to contain 20 graves by
Dr Matlo who excavated the site. While Dr Matlo wrote and listed what the graves looked like
and contained and performed a basic analysis of the bones, he did not undergo historical or
artifact analysis to determine the timeline of the graves, age, sex, occupation, social status, or
ethnicity although he noted that the cemetery likely belonged to the Botachoi and Iardames
during the Bronze to Iron Age transition. When writing up the results of the excavation, Dr Matlo
cited a quote about men hiding with women, the relevance of timelines, and the work required to
discover the identities of the dead.
Hekataios describes the inhabitants of this location two generations before himself as descendants of two refugee populations who escaped the reaches of the horse riders North of the Black Sea. These two populations lived peacefully together and throughout time have been considered to be living in a cultural backwater. It has also been stated that the inhabitants prize dusk over dawn. As such, a lot of information is provided but few conclusions are drawn.
PROCEDURE
There are many unknowns when it comes to the cemetery of Bilj so for the purposes of this paper, only three hypotheses will be analyzed in depth. Note that in Table 3 the graves of each burial type is shown, indicating an equal number of extended, flexed, and urn burials. Since the estimated time frame for the cemetery indicates two groups of people over a transition phase, it is unlikely that the timeline can be indicated by burial type.
Hypothesis 1: If the graves have the same material artifacts then they are contemporaneous.
Dr Matlo stated that the gravesite occurred between the transition of the Bronze to the Iron Age and Hekataios in 500BC said that there were two groups that lived peacefully together in the area two generations prior. If we assume that a generation is 25 years, both statements can be true. Time space systematics is, “the delineation of patterns in material culture through time and space. These patterns are what archaeologists will eventually try to explain or account for.” (Kelly and Thomas, page 132) A chart of time space systematics is developed by organizing archaeological data of time periods, cultures, and other components into a diagram for the purposes of being analyzed. Table 1 sorts all of the given data into a single table which becomes further analyzed in Table 2. Between these two tables is an explanation for the timeline that will be employed in this paper. In Table 4 the graves with known dates are mapped, separating the graves into two groups, likely to be the Botachoi and Iardames described previously. Here they will be denoted Group A and B. Using this outline, separate artifacts are then mapped onto Tables 5 through 14 to showcase the probability of each artifact marking the graves as contemporaneous. From the associations formed from compiling the evidence this way, Table 15 was then formed to show a relative timeline from the evidence drawn.
Hypothesis 2: The graves hold clues to indicate religious or spiritual significance. In many cultures, beads have strong religious symbolism such as the Catholic rosary. Prayer beads are present in Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, and Hinduism to name a few. In the Bilj cemetery, there are likely graves with artifacts that have religious or spiritual connections. Table 9 shows the graves that have beads of varying sorts; grave 1 has stone beads and grave 6 has faience beads whereas graves 2, 13, and 18 do not specify type of bead. Table 8 shows the graves that have bowls. This is included under religious or spiritual significance because grave 17 is the grave of the person who had achondroplasia by Dr Matlo’s bone analysis. It is likely that given the physical situation of that individual, they would be treated either with reverence or distaste depending on the culture. Grave 13 could indicate a shaman grave or a small burial for a miscarriage since no human remains were found. To include a burial without human remains demonstrates unique value. Looking at the layout of the cemetery, graves 13 and 17 are noticeably close to each other and separate from the other burials, looking almost if they are forming a bridge with graves 3 and 9 between the skeletal remains and the urns. It should also be noted that only graves 3 and 17 face North East while excluding grave 5, the other burials face much more North and West. Since Hekataios stated that the people of this region prefer West to East, there are strong indications that the people who reside in those graves were a source of spiritual balance as they are situated in death in an equilibrium between the East and West. The bodies shown to be facing more Westward as shown in Tables 2 and 18 would further indicate status, perhaps religiously given.
Hypothesis 3: The graves indicate a ranked society.
We know that, “a society is egalitarian if achieved status is the means whereby an individual acquires a high position. In a ranked society, ascribed status places people into a ranked order of privilege.” (Kelly and Thomas, page 244) If there is a vast difference in grave goods and in related wealth of said artifacts amongst bodies in a location, that is an indication of rank within a society, “because social position was inherited within the elite, even children occupied such social positions.” (Kelly and Thomas, page 237) On the other hand, if the items are different depending on occupation, age, or role in a society and the differences are within a reasonable range, that is an indication of egalitarianism. In the Moundville example, “less glamorous grave goods were distributed in a different way.” (Kelly and Thomas, page 237) Another factor in an egalitarian community would be that number and quality of grave goods increases with age. To determine if the society present that formed the cemetery of Bilj was ranked, the bodies on the cemetery map were measured in Table 1 and associated with age then table 18 was formed utilizing these approximated ages and revealing the grave goods present. Exotic artifacts and precious metals were assumed to be indicators of high standing in society and by this, graves 4, 6, 7, 20 were all considered to be of rather high status even though there is significant difference in ages. Furthermore, graves 6, 7, and 20 are all flexed. By the above reasoning and burial facings it is determined that the cemetery is indeed ranked. Another indicator would be grave 5 faces East and appears to have been dropped haphazardly, causing death. This blatant disrespect to the individual along with the fact that no grave goods are present display an unequal society.
DATA AND RESULTS
There is a copious amount of material provided to analyze the cemetery of Bilj and draw a wide variety of conclusions. However, Table 19 is the table Dr Matlo provided with his research but a personal analysis of the graves in Table 20 that results in Table 21 shows that there is a contradiction in the information that Dr Matlo provides. As such, material should be rigorously checked against each other to avoid any potential discrepancies. In particular, if gender of the graves were to be determined, it would be wise to not take Dr Matlo’s gender allocation as fact especially since the quote by Sir Thomas Browne that Dr Matlo includes with his research of the cemetery suggests that gender and sex may not align, indicating that it would be prudent to not be hasty when assigning the two.
DISCUSSION
Many topics were unable to be discussed in the three hypotheses listed. Here are some other questions that could be further analyzed for a more in depth understanding of this cemetery including ethnicity, gender and sex, exotic artifacts, and unusual graves.
The number of fibula and their location may provide more insight into ethnicity. Table 17 exhibits fibula location in each grave. This is not a method utilized by Kelly and Thomas. Instead, Kelly and Thomas stated that skeletal analysis particularly of the skull and burial remains may indicate ethnicity. In the Moundville example, the pattern of burial placement in the area indicated uniformity amongst the group as well as social status. The Chickasaw villages differed in that there was no central mound which indicated a lack of a chief. This difference showed that the two groups were indeed separate and had disparate values. (Kelly and Thomas, page 238) Determining the kind of kinship that a location has such as matrilocal or patrilocal residence or bilateral descent can also aid with determining ethnicity since varying people have contrasting views on family lineages. (Kelly and Thomas page 228) In the cemetery, there are five specific types of location for fibula. The location of the fibula could be an outwards indicator of tribal affiliation or rank, which would also explain why grave 5 had fibula even though no other grave goods were present because the fibula would have been attached to the clothing worn and would not have been associated with proper burial practices.
Gender of the graves is also a factor that could be determined. A simplistic assumption would be to assume that pottery translates to female and weaponry translates to male. (Kelly and Thomas, page 224) In the case of pottery, ceramics made by hand are generally made by females and ceramics made on a wheel by males. (Kelly and Thomas, page 225) Skeletal analysis of the pelvis and skull can draw conclusions about biological sex which correlates to gender frequently. Comparing the gender identification methods of one culture to another can also aid with gender reconstruction. For example, the Mayans portrayed in their art women as holding ceramics or cloth while the men hold weaponry. (Kelly and Thomas, page 226) This being stated, Dr Matlo included a quote that suggested that the separation between the two sexes may not be as clear cut as they appear.
A few exotic artifacts were found in the cemetery, as shown in Table 10. Since Hekataios described the inhabitants as descendants from refugees who were escaping raids from the horse riders of the plains, the horse items could have been trophies of conflicts given to the elite. Exotic artifacts can indicate trade or migration; cultural influences. The presence of materials that are known to be exotics can be traced back to a place of origin. This can done by fingerprinting, using XRF, INAA, or petrographic analysis. (Kelly and Thomas, pages 240, 241) For instance, the copper at Moundville was not local but rather came from a southern Appalachian source. Most trade happens one of two ways: direct acquisition or down-the-line. If exotic material is found at the place of origin and a secondary place but not between, then the first method was used, such as the copper at Moundville. If an exotic material originates at a location and fades in presence further from the location gradually then the second method was used, such as Gulf Coast shells along the Missouri River. (Kelly and Thomas, page 239) Trade patterns can further be detected by amounts of materials or areas within a region lacking materials that its neighbors possess. Tracing the pottery patterns of several high islands as well as the atolls revealed that Yap had a different mineral composition in ceramics than the atolls so the presence and absence of the Yap ceramic mineral composition indicated trading patterns including inequality amongst the trading partners. (Kelly and Thomas, page 242)
Several graves were unusual, particularly grave 4 which specifically had multiple artifacts not shared with any other burial as shown by Tables 13 and 14. It is possible that this particular grave is more recent since it has these items or held a special status in society that none of the others possessed. Perhaps the tweezers or chisel are also considered exotic in this setting. Furthermore, grave 20 had remnants of timber, indicating that preservation methods were used. This could either indicate that grave 20 is more recent than the other graves or that it was more highly valued so extra efforts were made in order to preserve the remnants.
CONCLUSION
Hekataios describes the inhabitants of this location two generations before himself as descendants of two refugee populations who escaped the reaches of the horse riders North of the Black Sea. These two populations lived peacefully together and throughout time have been considered to be living in a cultural backwater. It has also been stated that the inhabitants prize dusk over dawn. As such, a lot of information is provided but few conclusions are drawn.
PROCEDURE
There are many unknowns when it comes to the cemetery of Bilj so for the purposes of this paper, only three hypotheses will be analyzed in depth. Note that in Table 3 the graves of each burial type is shown, indicating an equal number of extended, flexed, and urn burials. Since the estimated time frame for the cemetery indicates two groups of people over a transition phase, it is unlikely that the timeline can be indicated by burial type.
Hypothesis 1: If the graves have the same material artifacts then they are contemporaneous.
Dr Matlo stated that the gravesite occurred between the transition of the Bronze to the Iron Age and Hekataios in 500BC said that there were two groups that lived peacefully together in the area two generations prior. If we assume that a generation is 25 years, both statements can be true. Time space systematics is, “the delineation of patterns in material culture through time and space. These patterns are what archaeologists will eventually try to explain or account for.” (Kelly and Thomas, page 132) A chart of time space systematics is developed by organizing archaeological data of time periods, cultures, and other components into a diagram for the purposes of being analyzed. Table 1 sorts all of the given data into a single table which becomes further analyzed in Table 2. Between these two tables is an explanation for the timeline that will be employed in this paper. In Table 4 the graves with known dates are mapped, separating the graves into two groups, likely to be the Botachoi and Iardames described previously. Here they will be denoted Group A and B. Using this outline, separate artifacts are then mapped onto Tables 5 through 14 to showcase the probability of each artifact marking the graves as contemporaneous. From the associations formed from compiling the evidence this way, Table 15 was then formed to show a relative timeline from the evidence drawn.
Hypothesis 2: The graves hold clues to indicate religious or spiritual significance. In many cultures, beads have strong religious symbolism such as the Catholic rosary. Prayer beads are present in Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, and Hinduism to name a few. In the Bilj cemetery, there are likely graves with artifacts that have religious or spiritual connections. Table 9 shows the graves that have beads of varying sorts; grave 1 has stone beads and grave 6 has faience beads whereas graves 2, 13, and 18 do not specify type of bead. Table 8 shows the graves that have bowls. This is included under religious or spiritual significance because grave 17 is the grave of the person who had achondroplasia by Dr Matlo’s bone analysis. It is likely that given the physical situation of that individual, they would be treated either with reverence or distaste depending on the culture. Grave 13 could indicate a shaman grave or a small burial for a miscarriage since no human remains were found. To include a burial without human remains demonstrates unique value. Looking at the layout of the cemetery, graves 13 and 17 are noticeably close to each other and separate from the other burials, looking almost if they are forming a bridge with graves 3 and 9 between the skeletal remains and the urns. It should also be noted that only graves 3 and 17 face North East while excluding grave 5, the other burials face much more North and West. Since Hekataios stated that the people of this region prefer West to East, there are strong indications that the people who reside in those graves were a source of spiritual balance as they are situated in death in an equilibrium between the East and West. The bodies shown to be facing more Westward as shown in Tables 2 and 18 would further indicate status, perhaps religiously given.
Hypothesis 3: The graves indicate a ranked society.
We know that, “a society is egalitarian if achieved status is the means whereby an individual acquires a high position. In a ranked society, ascribed status places people into a ranked order of privilege.” (Kelly and Thomas, page 244) If there is a vast difference in grave goods and in related wealth of said artifacts amongst bodies in a location, that is an indication of rank within a society, “because social position was inherited within the elite, even children occupied such social positions.” (Kelly and Thomas, page 237) On the other hand, if the items are different depending on occupation, age, or role in a society and the differences are within a reasonable range, that is an indication of egalitarianism. In the Moundville example, “less glamorous grave goods were distributed in a different way.” (Kelly and Thomas, page 237) Another factor in an egalitarian community would be that number and quality of grave goods increases with age. To determine if the society present that formed the cemetery of Bilj was ranked, the bodies on the cemetery map were measured in Table 1 and associated with age then table 18 was formed utilizing these approximated ages and revealing the grave goods present. Exotic artifacts and precious metals were assumed to be indicators of high standing in society and by this, graves 4, 6, 7, 20 were all considered to be of rather high status even though there is significant difference in ages. Furthermore, graves 6, 7, and 20 are all flexed. By the above reasoning and burial facings it is determined that the cemetery is indeed ranked. Another indicator would be grave 5 faces East and appears to have been dropped haphazardly, causing death. This blatant disrespect to the individual along with the fact that no grave goods are present display an unequal society.
DATA AND RESULTS
There is a copious amount of material provided to analyze the cemetery of Bilj and draw a wide variety of conclusions. However, Table 19 is the table Dr Matlo provided with his research but a personal analysis of the graves in Table 20 that results in Table 21 shows that there is a contradiction in the information that Dr Matlo provides. As such, material should be rigorously checked against each other to avoid any potential discrepancies. In particular, if gender of the graves were to be determined, it would be wise to not take Dr Matlo’s gender allocation as fact especially since the quote by Sir Thomas Browne that Dr Matlo includes with his research of the cemetery suggests that gender and sex may not align, indicating that it would be prudent to not be hasty when assigning the two.
DISCUSSION
Many topics were unable to be discussed in the three hypotheses listed. Here are some other questions that could be further analyzed for a more in depth understanding of this cemetery including ethnicity, gender and sex, exotic artifacts, and unusual graves.
The number of fibula and their location may provide more insight into ethnicity. Table 17 exhibits fibula location in each grave. This is not a method utilized by Kelly and Thomas. Instead, Kelly and Thomas stated that skeletal analysis particularly of the skull and burial remains may indicate ethnicity. In the Moundville example, the pattern of burial placement in the area indicated uniformity amongst the group as well as social status. The Chickasaw villages differed in that there was no central mound which indicated a lack of a chief. This difference showed that the two groups were indeed separate and had disparate values. (Kelly and Thomas, page 238) Determining the kind of kinship that a location has such as matrilocal or patrilocal residence or bilateral descent can also aid with determining ethnicity since varying people have contrasting views on family lineages. (Kelly and Thomas page 228) In the cemetery, there are five specific types of location for fibula. The location of the fibula could be an outwards indicator of tribal affiliation or rank, which would also explain why grave 5 had fibula even though no other grave goods were present because the fibula would have been attached to the clothing worn and would not have been associated with proper burial practices.
Gender of the graves is also a factor that could be determined. A simplistic assumption would be to assume that pottery translates to female and weaponry translates to male. (Kelly and Thomas, page 224) In the case of pottery, ceramics made by hand are generally made by females and ceramics made on a wheel by males. (Kelly and Thomas, page 225) Skeletal analysis of the pelvis and skull can draw conclusions about biological sex which correlates to gender frequently. Comparing the gender identification methods of one culture to another can also aid with gender reconstruction. For example, the Mayans portrayed in their art women as holding ceramics or cloth while the men hold weaponry. (Kelly and Thomas, page 226) This being stated, Dr Matlo included a quote that suggested that the separation between the two sexes may not be as clear cut as they appear.
A few exotic artifacts were found in the cemetery, as shown in Table 10. Since Hekataios described the inhabitants as descendants from refugees who were escaping raids from the horse riders of the plains, the horse items could have been trophies of conflicts given to the elite. Exotic artifacts can indicate trade or migration; cultural influences. The presence of materials that are known to be exotics can be traced back to a place of origin. This can done by fingerprinting, using XRF, INAA, or petrographic analysis. (Kelly and Thomas, pages 240, 241) For instance, the copper at Moundville was not local but rather came from a southern Appalachian source. Most trade happens one of two ways: direct acquisition or down-the-line. If exotic material is found at the place of origin and a secondary place but not between, then the first method was used, such as the copper at Moundville. If an exotic material originates at a location and fades in presence further from the location gradually then the second method was used, such as Gulf Coast shells along the Missouri River. (Kelly and Thomas, page 239) Trade patterns can further be detected by amounts of materials or areas within a region lacking materials that its neighbors possess. Tracing the pottery patterns of several high islands as well as the atolls revealed that Yap had a different mineral composition in ceramics than the atolls so the presence and absence of the Yap ceramic mineral composition indicated trading patterns including inequality amongst the trading partners. (Kelly and Thomas, page 242)
Several graves were unusual, particularly grave 4 which specifically had multiple artifacts not shared with any other burial as shown by Tables 13 and 14. It is possible that this particular grave is more recent since it has these items or held a special status in society that none of the others possessed. Perhaps the tweezers or chisel are also considered exotic in this setting. Furthermore, grave 20 had remnants of timber, indicating that preservation methods were used. This could either indicate that grave 20 is more recent than the other graves or that it was more highly valued so extra efforts were made in order to preserve the remnants.
CONCLUSION
The work that Dr Matlo completed on the cemetery of Bilj is not complete by any means and
there are a multitude of questions that remain to be answered that can be given what is provided.
Since Dr Matlo is an, ‘enthusiastic amateur prehistorian and man of letters’ as described by the
situation, a margin of error should be expected between the varying data offered. Several
examples of further research into his work have been detailed here to express the magnitude of
what can yet be discovered even with his poor archaeological base assessment. After establishing
a timeline and a method to analyze what Dr Matlo provides, the questions that Dr Matlo did not
give answers to may all potentially be resolved. For example, occupation and craft were not
analyzed or discussed here yet these too can also be determined.
Maps of the Balkans
Provided Information
Table 1
Maps of the Balkans
Provided Information
Table 1
Date Information:
500 BC Hekataios (2 tribes two generations earlier, about 25 years/generation) Historically, Bronze 3300-1200BC, Iron 1200-550BC but this location is a back water. Matlo believes cemetery is during Bronze and Iron transition.
500 BC Hekataios (2 tribes two generations earlier, about 25 years/generation) Historically, Bronze 3300-1200BC, Iron 1200-550BC but this location is a back water. Matlo believes cemetery is during Bronze and Iron transition.
600-700 BC horse bridle bit, late 7th century (7), 600ish, Group A’s burial timespan, Bronze Age
500-600 BC horse cheek piece, 6th century (20), 550ish, Group B’s burial timespan, Iron Age
Population Dynamic:
refugee population running from people on horses from the Black Sea prefer dusk (W) to dawn (E)
two tribes (mixed ethnic group) coexist peacefully
From the data, differing items, burial methods, item locations could indicate differences in tribe; a mixture could signify intermarriage. There is possible cross over in Groups A and B. Burial compass direction seems to have a strong correlation with items present in graves in terms of amount and worth indicating status.
Population Dynamic:
refugee population running from people on horses from the Black Sea prefer dusk (W) to dawn (E)
two tribes (mixed ethnic group) coexist peacefully
From the data, differing items, burial methods, item locations could indicate differences in tribe; a mixture could signify intermarriage. There is possible cross over in Groups A and B. Burial compass direction seems to have a strong correlation with items present in graves in terms of amount and worth indicating status.
Table 2
Table 3
Table 4
Table 5
Table 6
Table 7
Table 8
Table 9
Table 10
Table 11
Table 12
Table 13
Table 14
Table 15
Table 16
Table 17
Table 18
Table 19
Table 20
Table 21
SOURCES
1. Kelly, Robert and Thomas, David. Archaeology. Cengage Learning, 2016.
1. Kelly, Robert and Thomas, David. Archaeology. Cengage Learning, 2016.
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